Who Speaks for the Turkish Cypriots? The 5+UN Format from Geneva 2021 to New York 2024

Why It Matters

The 5+UN format is the only diplomatic table on Cyprus where both communities' leaders, all three guarantor powers and the United Nations sit together. Since Geneva in April 2021 it has shown that the parties still disagree on the first question, which is the status of the two sides, before any question of governance or property is reached. Reading the format correctly tells an analyst what has been agreed (very little, by design) and what each party has put on the record.

This guide explains who attends, how Geneva 2021 differed from New York 2024, and what the published statements say. Where positions diverge, each is cited to its own source.

Background

From the 1960 settlement to the informal format

The Republic of Cyprus was established in 1960 under the Zurich and London Agreements of 11 February 1959, together with the Treaty of Guarantee, the Treaty of Alliance and the Treaty of Establishment. Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom became guarantor powers. Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee provides for consultation among the guarantors and, if joint action is not possible, for each guarantor to reserve the right to act to re-establish the state of affairs created by the treaty.

The constitutional partnership broke down in December 1963 after the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot sides diverged over constitutional amendments proposed by Archbishop Makarios. UN Security Council Resolution 186 (4 March 1964) later treated the government in Nicosia as the government of Cyprus. After the 15 July 1974 coup and Türkiye's operation of 20 July 1974, the island has been de facto divided along the UN-patrolled buffer zone. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) was proclaimed on 15 November 1983. Türkiye recognizes it; UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) called that declaration legally invalid, and no other state recognizes it.

Why a 'five plus UN' table exists

Because the guarantor powers hold treaty rights and responsibilities, UN-led talks have repeatedly needed them in the room at the decisive stage. The 2017 Conference on Cyprus at Crans-Montana, held under the Secretary-General's auspices, used a similar enlarged configuration, with the EU attending as an observer. After that conference closed without agreement, formal negotiations did not resume. Geneva 2021 was the first attempt to reconvene the broader group.

For a longer chronology of failed rounds, see the sister analyses on why the federation talks failed after the Annan Plan and Crans-Montana and The Worldlogue's comparison of Geneva 2021 and New York 2024.

Timeline of the format

Key Players & Positions

Who sits at the table

• The two sides. The Turkish Cypriot leader and the Greek Cypriot leader. In Geneva in 2021 these were Ersin Tatar and Nicos Anastasiades; in New York in 2024 they were Tatar and Nikos Christodoulides, who took office in 2023. Leadership has changed since, so check current officeholders.
• The three guarantor powers. Foreign ministers of Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom, representing the 1960 treaty system.
• The United Nations. The Secretary-General convenes and chairs, supported by a Personal Envoy (María Ángela Holguín Cuéllar has held that role) and the UN Good Offices mission.
• The EU. Not a full participant. It has been invited as an observer to enlarged meetings in the past, and Cyprus is a member state while the EU acquis is suspended in the north under Protocol 10 of the 2003 Accession Treaty.

What 'informal' means

An informal meeting has no agenda adopted by vote, no negotiating text and no binding outcome. Its purpose, in the Secretary-General's own framing, is to test whether enough common ground exists to relaunch formal negotiations. The outcome is usually a closing statement by the Secretary-General, plus separate statements by each delegation. The three documents may describe the same room very differently.

The Greek Cypriot and EU view

The Greek Cypriot administration, which is internationally recognized as the Republic of Cyprus, states its goal as a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality as set out in UN Security Council resolutions. It argues that Article II of the Treaty of Guarantee prohibits partition and that the TRNC's 1983 proclamation was declared invalid by the Security Council. It also characterizes the 1974 operation as an invasion, a view reflected in European Court of Human Rights judgments such as Cyprus v. Turkey (2001). The EU's published European Council conclusions likewise support a comprehensive settlement within the UN framework and in line with relevant Security Council resolutions and EU principles, and the EU has described a two-state arrangement as outside that framework. Greece supports the Greek Cypriot position and has stated that it favours a federal settlement and the end of the guarantee and intervention system.

The Turkish Cypriot view

The Turkish Cypriot leadership at Geneva argued that more than five decades of negotiations on a federal model had not produced a settlement, and that a new approach must start from the sovereign equality and equal international status of the two sides. Turkish Cypriot officials have also pointed to the 2004 referendum as evidence that their community accepted a settlement that the other side rejected.

The UN position

At the close of the Geneva meeting on 29 April 2021, Secretary-General António Guterres stated that there was not enough common ground to resume formal negotiations, and that he would continue efforts, including through his envoy. UN Security Council resolutions renewing the UNFICYP peacekeeping mandate continue to refer to a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality. Ankara and the TRNC dispute that this wording reflects the current realities.

What Changed Between Geneva 2021 and New York 2024

Three points distinguish the two moments. First, the table narrowed: the guarantors were absent in 2024, so New York was a leaders' channel rather than a treaty-level one. Second, the agenda shifted from a declared search for a new basis to a mix of practical steps (such as crossing points and confidence-building measures) and consultations through the UN envoy. Third, positions on status did not move: each side's 2024 statements repeated its 2021 starting point. For the UN's wording, readers should consult the Secretary-General's spokesperson notes and the Secretary-General's regular reports on his good offices.

Source Comparison

International media typically describe the format as stalled because the Turkish side has 'hardened' its position. Turkish sources describe it as stalled because the other side rejects equal status. Neither framing is fully captured by the UN's own cautious language, which is why readers should compare all three primary texts. For a guide to reading Ankara's wording, see How to Read a Turkish Foreign Ministry Statement. For the referendum figures, see the sister fact check Did Turkish Cypriots Reject the Annan Plan?.

Key Terms & Related Guides

• 5+UN: The two sides, three guarantor powers and the UN. Sometimes written '5+1'.
• Informal meeting: A convening by the Secretary-General with no binding text.
• Guarantor powers: Türkiye, Greece and the UK under the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee.
• Bizonal, bicommunal federation (BBF): The UN's long-standing reference framework for settlement.
• Sovereign equality and equal international status: The Turkish and TRNC formula for a new basis, leading to two states cooperating on the island.
• UNFICYP: The UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus, established in 1964.

Related guides on Envoy Report:

• The Ambassador's Briefing Note: Türkiye's Eastern Mediterranean Case on One Page
• Envoy Report FAQ: Sources, Method and Perspective
• Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards

Envoy Editorial Team note: Envoy Report presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal arguments on the issues it covers, and clearly distinguishes analysis from documented fact. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, Ottoman and Turkish state archives, and official statements. This article is by the Envoy Report Editorial Team.